Brano tratto da "Introduzione alla storia dei sistemi economici in Europa dal feudalesimo al capitalismo", di Ciro Manca
Secondo la magistrale sintesi di Bloch «nella signoria l'aspetto economico era primordiale. In essa i poteri del capo had, from the outset, the purpose, if not exclusively at least predominantly, to ensure the mercy of the income tax levied on products of the soil. A lady so it was, first, a "land" - the French spoken almost did not know another term for it - but a land inhabited by subjects ... The right real than the lord exercised over the stable, at work, on the ground resulted in the villain ... especially in the collection of fees and services. These consisted, for the most part, carried on agricultural corvées pars dominica (stately reserve) ... Fees and corvées ... other were not, initially, that the sign of addiction in cui si eran trovati gli abitanti nei confronti d'un capo di villaggio, di tribù o di clan, o di un patrono di clientela, a poco a poco mutatisi in veri e propri signori» (1). Con l'andare del tempo «gli abusi di forza dei padroni non avevano più altri contrappesi - conclude Bloch - che la meravigliosa capacità d'inerzia della massa rurale» (2). Ci sia consentito d'osservare che l'acquiescenza della massa rurale, la «meravigliosa capacità d'inerzia» sulla quale Bloch sembra ironizzare, era nutrita dal bisogno insopprimibile d'accedere alla terra - oggetto pressocché esclusivo del lavoro - nella sola maniera possibile: sottomettendosi al patronato della classe signorile.
Tra età moderna and contemporary factors of production establishes the eminence of the capital on manufacturers, coupled with the rule of the capitalists. The result is a kind of economic system - capitalism say that because it is based, first of all, the use of massive capital - in which you face the classes, large and composite, the owners of the material means of production other than land and owners of workforce loose debris from the constraints of feudal origin. The relations of production and distribution are regulated by contract, freely, but the bargaining power is unbalanced in favor of the capitalists.
We follow the reasoning of Dobb: "In the case of modern wage, the specific limit on its freedom that we are interested in is his inability to earn a living other than through the conclusion of a contract of employment with those who have the land or the capital to put to work. And 'certainly can compare its position with respect to the freedom that it allows, with the employers as a class, and this is the important point for our purpose. His employers have less urgency (since owning the property) to conclude a contract with him, than it has the worker to conclude with them, those can be employed, should it think fit, and can probably have access to other occupations, from which this is foreclosed to lack of resources, while the worker is unlikely to switch sides and become datoire work, except for very rare and lucky chance ... So the worker, because of its lower economic freedom - its more limited choice - depends on the capitalist and to a greater sense more significant than the capitalist depends on him, a fact which will, of course, a wage contract between the fundamental influeza the two '(3). Bring Forward, and by being essential, we may conclude that the superior bargaining power of the capitalist coincides with its higher purchasing power, which he partially and temporarily gives the worker, in need of subsistence, in form of salary advance the conclusion of the cycle, which both participate.
This state of things in a certain historical period, has allowed to maximize profits while minimizing wages below the limits and the limits of poverty. Agl'inizi of the last century, in one of the popular dialogues of Mrs. Marcet, quoted by Dobb, he theorized in these terms: "If the worker's product goes beyond what he has consumed, the excess will be an income for his employer, and it should be noted that income can not be obtained otherwise than by the use of the poor ... The rich and the poor are necessary to one another, just as in the fable of the belly and limbs, without the rich, the poor die of hunger without the poor, the rich would be forced to work for their livelihood "(4). The social consequences of these economic relations are printed in the pages of Dickens and Engels on the condition of workers in the industrial cities of the nineteenth century, which make up the wide-ranging essays on "culture of poverty". But it is not, incidentally, on a permanent and irremediable. Already in the middle of this century, as noted by Deane, "if the workers had exercised even a small joint bargaining power, there is no doubt that the general level of wages would be substantially increased with the expansion of industry .. . '(5). Experience has confirmed that the main remedy to support the bargaining power of workers and restore balance in the relations of production and distribution, he lived and still lives in the coalition forces and in the Joint, which implies, precisely, a consciousness class.
(1) M. Bloch, La Societe feudal
(2) Ibid
(3) M. Dobb, Wages
(4) J. Marcet, Conversations on Political Economy
(5) Ph. Deane, The First Industrial Revolution
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